Reagan authorized the shipment to ensure that those potential events would not occur. "[4] The congressional report wrote that the president bore "ultimate responsibility" for wrongdoing by his aides, and his administration exhibited "secrecy, deception and disdain for the law". In World […] Report information about a war crime . After the signing of the Central American Peace Accord in August 1987, the year war related deaths and economic destruction reached its peak, the Contras eventually entered negotiations with the Sandinista government (1988), and the war began to deescalate. [48] McFarlane met directly with Iranian officials associated with Rafsanjani, who sought to establish U.S.-Iranian relations in an attempt to free the four remaining hostages. [45] Throughout February 1986, weapons were shipped directly to Iran by the United States (as part of Oliver North's plan), but none of the hostages were released. [41], During the trial, North testified that on 21, 22 or 24 November, he witnessed Poindexter destroy what may have been the only signed copy of a presidential covert-action finding that sought to authorize CIA participation in the November 1985 Hawk missile shipment to Iran. By Branko Marcetic. The CIA, and high-ranking United States Government officials, insisted that we merge with the Guardsmen. Much to McFarlane's disgust, he did not meet ministers, and instead met in his words "third and fourth level officials". [65], The report published by the Tower Commission was delivered to the president on 26 February 1987. [63], President Reagan appeared before the Tower Commission on 2 December 1986, to answer questions regarding his involvement in the affair. U.S. GPO 26 February 1987. The two Senate Intelligence Committee reports are online: Excerpts of the Tower Report are online at, Congressional committees investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Joint Committee of the United States Congress, Congressional Committees Investigating The Iran-Contra Affair, House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, CIA involvement in Contra cocaine trafficking, Congressional committees investigating the Iran–Contra affair, List of federal political scandals in the United States, United States involvement in regime change in Latin America, United States and state-sponsored terrorism, "U.S. Said to Have Allowed Israel to Sell Arms to Iran", "Address to the Nation on the Iran Arms and Contra Aid Controversy", "Excerpts From the Iran–Contra Report: A Secret Foreign Policy", "Pardons and Commutations Granted by President George H. W. Bush", "Secord Is Guilty of One Charge in Contra Affair", "Ortega, Faulting Reagan, Warns of Coming War", "Military history of the Iran–Iraq War, 1980–1988", Walsh Iran / Contra Report – Chapter 24 The Investigation of State Department Officials: Shultz, Hill and Platt, Walsh Iran/Contra Report, Part I: The Underlying Facts, "Walsh Iran / Contra Report – Part I Iran/contra: The Underlying Facts", "Arms, Hostages and Contras: How a Secret Foreign Policy Unraveled", "Report of the congressional committees investigating the Iran–Contra Affair : with supplemental, minority, and additional views", "Excerpts from the Tower Commission's Report", "Letter Accepting the Resignation of Robert C. McFarlane as Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs", "Understanding the Iran-Contra Affairs - The Legal Aftermath", "Vol. [76], In 1984 the Sandinista government filed a suit in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) against the United States (Nicaragua v. United States), which resulted in a 1986 judgment against the United States. It alleged that Americas Watch gave too much credence to alleged Contra abuses and systematically tried to discredit Nicaraguan human rights groups such as the Permanent Commission on Human Rights, which blamed the major human rights abuses on the Contras.[95]. ... Then between 1979 and 1990, presidents Roland Reagan and George H. Bush funded ruthless militias, known as Contras, in Nicaragua in order to overthrow the socialist Nicaraguan government. The Reagan administration argued it was not, and many in Congress argued that it was. [65] The Enterprise's efforts culminated in the Iran–Contra Affair of 1986–1987, which facilitated contra funding through the proceeds of arms sales to Iran. [42], Both the sale of weapons to Iran and the funding of the Contras attempted to circumvent not only stated administration policy, but also the Boland Amendment. "The United States has played a very large role in financing, training, arming, and advising the contras over a long period. Annual reports summarize the activities of the program during the … "Human Rights in Nicaragua 1986" (print), Americas Watch, February 1987. The more the peasants talked about the contras, the angrier they became. 1987, p. 29, "The UDN, including Cardenal, initially opposed any linkage with the Guardsmen. [14]:249 At one point, an angry McFarlane shouted: "As I am a Minister, I expect to meet with decision-makers. Finally, the president acknowledged that his previous assertions that the U.S. did not trade arms for hostages were incorrect: A few months ago I told the American people I did not trade arms for hostages. [109], In the resulting February 1990 elections, Violeta Chamorro and her party the UNO won an upset victory of 55% to 41% over Daniel Ortega,[110] even though polls leading up to the election had clearly indicated an FSLN victory. The Contra war escalated over the year before the election. The operation was discovered only after an airlift of guns (Corporate Air Services HPF821) was downed over Nicaragua. The charges were brought under Article 8, war crimes, and as such could have included charges of torture, rape, sexual slavery or outrages upon personal dignity. Supporters of the Contras tried to downplay these violations, particularly the Reagan administration in the US, which engaged in a campaign of white propaganda to alter public opinion in favor of the contras,[6] while covertly encouraging the Contras to attack civilian targets.[7]. Marginal note:Short title 1 This Act may be cited as the Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act. They chose this date to facilitate free and fair elections in Nicaragua in February 1990 (even though the Reagan administration had pushed for a delay of contra disbandment). "[75], In Iran, Mehdi Hashemi, the leaker of the scandal, was executed in 1987, allegedly for activities unrelated to the scandal. [98] The Post quoted him as stating, "We were not in the loop. [23] He confined himself to operate in the southern part of Nicaragua;[24] after a press conference he was holding on 30 May 1984 was bombed, he "voluntarily withdrew" from the contra struggle. However, since the earliest days of the nation, encounters with the US military have often meant death and destruction, as opposed to freedom and justice. [29] The U.S. played a very large role in financing, training, arming, and advising the contras over a long period, and the contras only became capable of carrying out significant military operations as a result of this support. [21], In April 1982, Edén Pastora (Comandante Cero), one of the heroes in the fight against Somoza, organized the Sandinista Revolutionary Front (FRS) – embedded in the Democratic Revolutionary Alliance (ARDE)[22] – and declared war on the Sandinista government. [14]:251 Despite this the talks were not broken off. [97], In an interview with The Washington Post in August 1987, Bush stated that he was denied information about the operation and did not know about the diversion of funds. "The last major attack, in October along the Rama Road in southern Nicaragua, was considered a success for the guerrillas." As seen at: International Court of Justice 1986, Dissenting Opinion of Judge Schwebel, Human Rights in Nicaragua 1986, p. 19, 21. War crimes and atrocities by the American Military In every war in which the United States has been engaged there have been atrocities and war crimes committed by American troops. [99] Bush added the briefing with Durenberger left him with the feeling he had "been deliberately excluded from key meetings involving details of the Iran operation". Negroponte played a key role in covering up all of this. [14]:214 Shultz at the latter meeting warned Reagan that "we were just falling into the arms-for-hostages business and we shouldn't do it. [99][100][101] These large-scale raids mainly became possible as the contras were able to use U.S.-provided Redeye missiles against Sandinista Mi-24 helicopter gunships, which had been supplied by the Soviets. According to The New York Times, enough documents were put into a government shredder to jam it. In early July 1985, the historian Michael Ledeen, a consultant of National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane, requested assistance from Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres for help in the sale of arms to Iran. 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